Relations between Comoros and France-the former colonial ruler of the islands-deteriorated in the run-up to Mayotte's change of status from overseas collectivity to overseas department; before improving equally quickly. In a March 2009 referendum more than 95% of Mahorais voted in favour of the change under which the island has become a French department and region, governed by Article 73 of the French constitution. Comoros has long claimed Mayotte as part of its national territory. Indeed, Mayotte is the fourth island of the archipelago, but in the country's 1974 referendum on independence, 64% of Mahorais voted against, whereas there were strong pro-independence majorities on Grande Comore, Anjouan and Mohéli. The Comorian authorities have never been reconciled to this loss and thus Mayotte's accession to the status of department was always likely to cause tensions. In mid-March the Union government stated that Comoros would no longer accept people expelled from Mayotte without identity papers-a potential source of difficulty for the French, since Mayotte experiences regular influxes of Comorian "illegal immigrants" attracted by the island's notably higher living standards. Previously these migrants have been deported back to Comoros (often without identity papers). The French government retaliated by suspending requests for visas by Comorians. This triggered a prompt reversal in Comoros's stance-on April 1st the secretary-general of the government, Nourdine Bourhane, signed an agreement with the French ambassador, Luc Hallade, under which Comoros withdrew its insistence on identity cards and France lifted its suspension on visas.

Comoros's acquiescence is perhaps unsurprising as the country's occasional hostile rhetoric towards France is rarely matched with substantive action. Indeed, in September 2010, just days after Mr Sambi made an impassioned speech at the UN criticising France's "occupation" of Mayotte, Comoros revived its military co-operation pact with France (December 2010, The political scene). This underscored the extent to which ties with France remain central to foreign and indeed economic policy (the French Treasury guarantees the Comorian franc). While Comorian politicians will continue to make vocal protests-arguably for domestic consumption rather than in any expectation of success-they are unlikely to risk seriously jeopardising relations with France, which remains a crucial source of aid and investment. Although French aid to Comoros stagnated in 2008 during the global recession, it has begun to rise and is expected to remain substantial over the medium term.

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