In the Economist Intelligence Unit's democracy index Gabon sees a modest improvement in 2010-in both relative and absolute terms-compared with the previous survey in 2008, rising by six places to 133rd out of 167 countries surveyed globally. Nevertheless, with a score of 3.29, Gabon remains one of a growing number of countries classified as an "authoritarian regime". While remaining in second place behind Cameroon in the six-member Central African franc zone, amongst the 44 countries surveyed in Sub-Saharan Africa, Gabon has climbed from 33rd to 31st place. This, however, was more thanks to the significant deterioration in Rwanda and Côte d'Ivoire than because of inherent domestic improvement; indeed, the average score of the top-30 African countries has actually worsened slightly, from 5.14 to 5.05 (and of all 44 from 4.28 to 4.23).

The marginal improvement in the latest survey does, however, conceal significant potential for further development. The president, Ali Bongo Ondimba, has embarked on an ambitious wholesale reform programme, with the declared intention of breaking from the leadership style of the previous regime. A year in, while the contrast in ruling style is marked, progress has been difficult, in large part because of wholesale political antipathy. Despite the freest election since the imposition of one-party rule in 1968, Mr Bongo's victory in the 2009 presidential election remains highly contested. With a population sceptical of the political class after the long experience of corrupt and disengaged rule, turnout in 2009 of 44.2% was little higher than the 30-40% seen in previous elections. Moreover, despite the emergence of a half-dozen or so parliamentary coalition partners and opposition parties since the 1990 reform of the constitution reinstating the multi-party system, Gabon remains effectively a one-party state, dominated since independence in 1960 by the ruling Parti démocratique gabonais (PDG). Media freedom is improving, with the 2009 election receiving greater and broader coverage than hitherto seen. The self-censorship displayed by journalists and civil society activists should continue to loosen. Corruption in public administration remains pervasive, although on this score too progress is beginning to be felt, notably with a purge of "ghost workers" on the public payroll and the removal in 2010 of the Gabonese former governor of the regional central bank, Banque des Etats de l'Afrique centrale (BEAC), Philibert Andzembé, following a corruption scandal at the bank's Paris office.

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Despite potential for further improvement, fundamental hurdles remain

Mr Bongo's reform programme, if maintained, should see a great improvement in Gabon's Democracy index score at the next survey, but progress will not be easy. The resurgent doubts in early 2011 over the validity of the 2009 presidential election could stir up resentment that had begun to settle as the country gave Mr Bongo the benefit of the doubt to prove his commitment to reform and improving living standards. One of the greatest challenges will thus be engendering a culture of political engagement not dependent on protest and strikes. Public protest by civil society groups and trade unions remains common, in part because of this, with such groups increasingly forcing policy concessions. Furthermore, much of Gabon's social stability has rested on maintaining a careful ethnic balance amongst ministerial positions, with the prime minister being of Fang-Gabon's largest ethnic group-origin. Moving towards a post-ethnic and truly objective and meritocratic system of appointment may cause as many problems as it would solve.

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Democracy index 2010: Democracy in retreat, a free white paper containing the full index and detailed methodology, can be downloaded from www.eiu.com/DemocracyIndex2010.

Note on methodology

There is no consensus on how to measure democracy and definitions of democracy are contested. Having free and fair competitive elections, and satisfying related aspects of political freedom, is the sine qua non of all definitions. However, the Economist Intelligence Unit's index is based on the view that measures of democracy that reflect the state of political freedoms and civil liberties are not "thick" enough: they do not encompass sufficiently some crucial features that determine the quality and substance of democracy. Thus, the index also includes measures of political participation, political culture and functioning of government, which are, at best, marginalised by other measures.

Our index of democracy covers 167 countries and territories. The index, on a 0 to 10 scale, is based on the ratings for 60 indicators grouped in five categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties; the functioning of government; political participation; and political culture. The five categories are inter-related and form a coherent conceptual whole. Each category has a rating on a 0 to 10 scale, and the overall index of democracy is the simple average of the five category indexes.

The category indexes are based on the sum of the indicator scores in the category, converted to a 0 to 10 scale. Adjustments to the category scores are made if countries fall short in the following critical areas for democracy:

• whether national elections are free and fair;
• the security of voters;
• the influence of foreign powers on government; and
• the capability of the civil service to implement policies.

The index values are used to place countries within one of four types of regime:

• full democracies-scores of 8 to 10;
• flawed democracies-scores of 6 to 7.9;
• hybrid regimes-scores of 4 to 5.9; and
• authoritarian regimes-scores below 4.